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JUDGE GOLDSTONE ON H. RES. 867
On 10/29/09, Judge Goldstone sent the
following letter to Chairman Berman (D-CA) and Ranking Member
Ros-Lehtinen (R-FL), regarding H. Res. 867:
The Honorable Howard Berman
Chairman, House Committee on Foreign
Affairs The Honorable Ileana Ros-Lehtinen Ranking Member, House
Committee on Foreign Affairs
October 29, 2009
Dear Chairman Berman and Ranking Member
Ros-Lehtinen,
It has come to my attention that a
resolution has been introduced in the Unites States House of
Representatives regarding the United Nations Fact Finding
Mission on the Gaza Conflict, which I led earlier this year.
I fully respect the right of the US
Congress to examine and judge my mission and the resulting
report, as well as to make its recommendations to the US
Executive branch of government. However, I have strong
reservations about the text of the resolution in question - text
that includes serious factual inaccuracies and instances where
information and statements are taken grossly out of context.
I undertook this fact-finding mission in
good faith, just as I undertook my responsibilities vis à vis
the South African Standing Commission of Inquiry Regarding
Public Violence and Intimidation, the International War Crimes
Tribunal on the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal
Tribunal for Rwanda, the International Panel of the Commission
of Enquiry into the Activities of Nazism in Argentina, the
Independent International Commission on Kosovo, and the Volker
Committee investigation into the UN's Iraq oil-for-food program
in 2004/5.
I hope that you, in similar good faith,
will take the time to consider my comments about the resolution
and, as a result of that consideration, make the necessary
corrections.
Whereas clause #2: "Whereas, on January
12, 2009, the United Nations Human Rights Council passed
Resolution A/HRC/S-9/L.1, which authorized a `fact-finding
mission' regarding Israel's conduct of Operation Cast Lead
against violent militants in the Gaza Strip between December 27,
2008, and January 18, 2009;"
This whereas clause ignores the fact
that I and others refused this original mandate, precisely
because it only called for an investigation into violations
committed by Israel. The mandate given to and accepted by me and
under which we worked and reported reads as follows:
". . .to investigate all violations of
international human rights law and international humanitarian
law that might have been committed at any time in the context of
the military operations that were conducted in Gaza during the
period from 27 December 2008 and 18 January 2009, whether
before, during or after".
Whereas clause #2: "Whereas the
resolution pre-judged the outcome of its investigation, by
one-sidedly mandating the `fact-finding mission' to `investigate
all violations of international human rights law and
International Humanitarian Law by . . . Israel, against the
Palestinian people . . . particularly in the occupied Gaza
Strip, due to the current aggression'"
This whereas clause ignores the fact
that the expanded mandate that I demanded and received clearly
included rocket and mortar attacks on Israel and as the report
makes clear was so interpreted and implemented. It was the
report carried out under this broadened mandate - not the
original, rejected mandate - that was adopted by the Human
Rights Council and that included the serious findings made
against Hamas and other militant Palestinian groups.
Whereas clause #3: "Whereas the mandate
of the `fact-finding mission' makes no mention of the relentless
rocket and mortar attacks, which numbered in the thousands and
spanned a period of eight years, by Hamas and other violent
militant groups in Gaza against civilian targets in Israel, that
necessitated Israel's defensive measures;"
This whereas clause is factually
incorrect. As noted above, the expanded mandate clearly included
the rocket and mortar attacks. Moreover, Chapter XXIV of the
Report considers in detail the relentless rocket attacks from
Gaza on Israel and the terror they caused to the people living
within their range. The resulting finding made in the report is
that these attacks constituted serious war crimes and possibly
crimes against humanity.
Whereas clause #4: "Whereas the
`fact-finding mission' included a member who, before joining the
mission, had already declared Israel guilty of committing
atrocities in Operation Cast Lead by signing a public letter on
January 11, 2009, published in the Sunday Times, that called
Israel's actions `war crimes';"
This whereas clause is misleading. It
overlooks, or neglects to mention, that the member concerned,
Professor Christine Chinkin of the London School of Economics,
in the same letter, together with other leading international
lawyers, also condemned as war crimes the Hamas rockets fired
into Israel.
Whereas clause 5: "Whereas the mission's
flawed and biased mandate gave serious concern to many United
Nations Human Rights Council Member States which refused to
support it, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, Cameroon, Canada,
France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, the Republic of
Korea, Slovakia, Slovenia, Switzerland, Ukraine, and the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland;"
This whereas clause is factually
incorrect. The mandate that was given to the Mission was
certainly not opposed by all or even a majority of the States to
which reference is made. I am happy to provide further details
if necessary.
Whereas clause #6: "Whereas the
mission's flawed and biased mandate troubled many distinguished
individuals who refused invitations to head the mission;"
This whereas clause is factually
incorrect. The initial mandate that was rejected by others who
were invited to head the mission was the same one that I
rejected. The mandate I accepted was expanded by the President
of the Human Rights Council as a result of conditions I made.
Whereas clause #8: "Whereas the report
repeatedly made sweeping and unsubstantiated determinations that
the Israeli military had deliberately attacked civilians during
Operation Cast Lead;"
This whereas clause is factually
incorrect. The findings included in the report are neither
"sweeping" nor "unsubstantiated" and in effect reflect 188
individual interviews, review of more than 300 reports, 30
videos and 1200 photographs. Additionally, the body of the
report contains a plethora of references to the information upon
which the Commission relied for our findings.
Whereas clause #9: "Whereas the authors
of the report, in the body of the report itself, admit that `we
did not deal with the issues . . . regarding the problems of
conducting military operations in civilian areas and
second-guessing decisions made by soldiers and their commanding
officers `in the fog of war.';"
This whereas clause is misleading. The
words quoted relate to the decision we made that it would have
been unfair to investigate and make finding on situations where
decisions had been made by Israeli soldiers "in the fog of
battle". This was a decision made in favor of, and not against,
the interests of Israel.
Whereas clause #10: 'Whereas in the
October 16th edition of the Jewish Daily Forward, Richard
Goldstone, the head of the `United Nations Fact Finding Mission
on the Gaza Conflict', is quoted as saying, with respect to the
mission's evidence-collection methods, `If this was a court of
law, there would have been nothing proven.'"
The remark as quoted is both inaccurate
and taken completely out of context. What I had explained to The
Forward was that the Report itself would not constitute evidence
admissible in court of law. It is my view, as jurist, that
investigators would have to investigate which allegations they
considered relevant. That, too, was why we recommended domestic
investigations into the allegations.
Whereas clause #11: "Whereas the report,
in effect, denied the State of Israel the right to self-defense,
and never noted the fact that Israel had the right to defend its
citizens from the repeated violent attacks committed against
civilian targets in southern Israel by Hamas and other Foreign
Terrorist Organizations operating from Gaza;"
It is factually incorrect to state that
the Report denied Israel the right of self-defense. The report
examined how that right was implemented by the standards of
international law. What is commonly called ius ad bellum, the
right to use military force was not considered to fall within
our mandate. Israel's right to use military force was not
questioned.
Whereas clause #12: "Whereas the report
largely ignored the culpability of the Government of Iran and
the Government of Syria, both of whom sponsor Hamas and other
Foreign Terrorist Organizations;"
This whereas clause is misleading.
Nowhere that I know of has it ever been suggested that the
Mission should have investigated the provenance of the rockets.
Such an investigation was never on the agenda, and in any event,
we would not have had the facilities or capability of
investigating these allegations. If the Government of Israel has
requested us to investigate that issue I have no doubt that we
have done our best to do so.
Whereas clause #14: "Whereas,
notwithstanding a great body of evidence that Hamas and other
violent Islamist groups committed war crimes by using civilians
and civilian institutions, such as mosques, schools, and
hospitals, as shields, the report repeatedly downplayed or cast
doubt upon that claim;"
This is a sweeping and unfair
characterization of the Report. I hope that the Report will be
read by those tasked with considering the resolution.
I note that the House resolution fails
to mention that notwithstanding my repeated personal pleas to
the Government of Israel, Israel refused all cooperation with
the Mission. Among other things, I requested the views of Israel
with regard to the implementation of the mandate and details of
any issues that the Government of Israel might wish us to
investigate.
This refusal meant that Israel did not
offer any information or evidence it may have collected
regarding actions by Hamas or other Palestinian groups in Gaza.
Any omission of such information and evidence in the report is
regrettable, but is the result of Israel's decision not to
cooperate with the Fact-Finding mission, not a decision by the
mission to downplay or cast doubt on such information and
evidence.
Whereas clause #15: "Whereas in one
notable instance, the report stated that it did not consider the
admission of a Hamas official that Hamas often `created a human
shield of women, children, the elderly and the mujahideen,
against [the Israeli military]' specifically to `constitute
evidence that Hamas forced Palestinian civilians to shield
military objectives against attack.';"
This whereas clause is misleading, since
the quotation is taken out of context. The quotation is part of
a section of the report dealing with the very narrow allegation
that Hamas compelled civilians, against their will, to act as
human shields. The statement by the Hamas official is repugnant
and demonstrates an apparent disregard for the safety of
civilians, but it is not evidence that Hamas forced civilians to
remain in their homes in order to act as human shields. Indeed,
while the Government of Israel has alleged publicly that Hamas
used Palestinian civilians as human shields, it has not
identified any cases where it claims that civilians were doing
so under threat of force by Hamas or any other party.
Whereas clause #16: "Whereas Hamas was
able to significantly shape the findings of the investigation
mission's report by selecting and prescreening some of the
witnesses and intimidating others, as the report acknowledges
when it notes that `those interviewed in Gaza appeared reluctant
to speak about the presence of or conduct of hostilities by the
Palestinian armed groups . . . from a fear of reprisals';"
The allegation that Hamas was able to
shape the findings of my report or that it pre-screened the
witnesses is devoid of truth. I challenge anyone to produce
evidence in support of it.
Sincerely,
Justice Richard J. Goldstone
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